Introduction
For many, politics and community involvement are now an almost entirely mediated experience (Waltz, 2005). Because of this, activists are evolving their tactics to raise awareness of key political issues through media tactics. In the age of ICTs, activists are adopting various media forms with the direct goal of pressuring the state (Treré & Kaun, 2021). If mainstream media and its dominant voices are theorised as controlling society’s narratives, then activist media has historically been understood as a counter to such hegemony (Yoedtadi, M.G. & Pribadi, M.A., 2020). Activist media must therefore be viewed as not isolated but within a hegemonic/counter-hegemonic relationship with dominant voices in media (Gramsci, Habermas 1962; Coveney 2024).
This essay will critically analyse activist media and how it effectively disrupts state-sanctioned media. The police will represent the state, as one of the most visible state bodies, they have a more significant relationship with the media (Mawby, 1999). I highlight an ongoing power struggle between activist and state media, identifying two key state responses; cooptation (mimicry) and countering (resistance). Special attention is paid to video format, increasingly popular for each side. This will be anchored by two case studies: one by activist group Black Lives Matter UK, and the other by the UK Metropolitan Police. This essay draws on theories from media and communication studies, social change and development, and critical race theory to provide a nuanced understanding of activist media and its interaction with state narratives.
The structure of my essay will first contextualise activist media, identifying some of its key theories. I analyse activist media both by definition and its contemporary uses. I deliberately ground this in a historical context to understand its wider evolution. I explore video activism and its key typologies most relevant to the two case studies. The first from BLMUK demonstrates how activists leverage media tactics of counter-surveillance to reframe the police. The second by Metropolitan Police will evidence my theorisation on state responses (cooptation and countering) and make predictions on the future of police media strategies. I conclude that activist media is unique in its potential to both counter and inform state media, and that state media is increasingly harder to analyse due to its tactful appropriation of activist styles.
Contextualising activist media
In this essay, I understand activist media as “any form of media produced by activists that encourages the public to get actively involved in social change” (Waltz, 2005). I link this to definitions of alternative media - media in opposition to mass media (Kenix, 2011). While not all alternative media is activist, I argue all activist media is alternative in its goals to counter mainstream media. This is because it has historically been used to share stories that mainstream media actively censor, providing an alternative positioning.
Pickard (2015) also makes an important distinction between two forms of activist media, activism that;
a) has media as an object to be revolutionized or reformed
b) strategically employs media to put forward their political causes
While both versions constitute activist media, the first can be analysed as more “media-centric”, focussing on changing media structures. The second definition can be read as activists using media as a tool to achieve their political goals. While there's a clear difference between the two, I argue that activist media merges both, using a multi-model approach that combines traditional and new media methods. This is also theorised by Trere (2019) as “hybrid media activism”.
While hybrid media activism offers adaptability, it could be argued that not maintaining a clear format dilutes its strategic focus (Trere, 2019). Particularly in a modern digital landscape oversaturated with many media formats, only the most clear and catching stick out (Ling et al, 2015). The fluid uses of activist media can also be analysed with Meyer's (2004) “political opportunity structure” theory. This theory suggests that social movement actors must constantly adapt their tactics to external political conditions. This constant evolution of format by activist media evidences how activists must shift their tactics in response to the dominant groups they aim to challenge.
Activist media is a very dynamic and moving practice, making it important to research in response to different political climates. It is a powerful tool in challenging dominant narratives, but harder to contextualise due to its evolving nature and how it transforms itself to challenge the mainstream media.
Activist Media - from historical roots to contemporary use
My research on activist media showed that existing literature often focuses on digital media activism and not its wider historical context. Trere and Kaun (2021) evidence this point, stating that current studies “frequently assume activism has been (and is) predominantly digital”. This historical contextualisation is therefore important to address as activist media today is a direct evolution of its traditional practices. This section details the main developments of activist media from its birth to the present to aid my analysis of its contemporary uses.
The invention of the printing press by Johannes Gutenberg in the 1500s arguably marked the first major technological shift in all, and therefore activist media. The press enabled a very rapid dissemination of information previously unavailable and was utilised by the state to spread its messaging (Eisenstein, 1980). Activists also quickly benefited from this technology, which evidences Cammaerts (2019) arguments that activist media often appropriates traditional media, turning it into their own tools of resistance.
Activist media remained heavily text-based until the 18th and 19th centuries when we began to see music and theatre being used alongside text to share political messaging. This multi-mode approach foreshadowed the hybrid media activism used today.
The invention of photography of course transformed activist media, revolutionising the idea of witnessing injustices to evoke emotion and inspire social change (Bogre, 2012). Work such as Jacob Riis’s project “How the Other Half Lives”, captured the realities of poverty and can be analysed as a precursor to the use of witness imagery in contemporary activism. In the 20th century, the rise of radio such as the 1910s AM Radio stations like WEVD who supported labour movements added another form for activists to utilise. Political music genres such as punk and reggae expanded the reach of activist messages as it travelled into private and public spaces globally (Williams, 2019).
The affordances of the internet and digital technologies revolutionised activist media, democratizing access and enabling a more immediate dissemination (Shah et al, 2013). Digital tools, particularly mobile phones, have transformed ordinary citizens into media creators, bypassing traditional gatekeepers and barriers rooted in a lack of skill or formal training. This "participatory media" approach, as theorized by , decentralizes media production and has been theorised as a means of diversifying the media industry (Horoub 2019). However, critics like Al Shami argue that this democratisation risks diminishing the reliability and credibility of (activist) media when formal roots into the industry are bypassed. I argue this critique is rooted in a colonial mindset, where ideas of objectivity are privileged to favour larger elite news companies of the West. The critique is often centred on marginalised media producers and ignores the human biases in all media and news. This can be evidenced by recent allegations of biased reporting from the BBC in its coverage on Israel and its “lack of evidence-based journalism” (Aljazeera, 2024), showcasing how larger organisations also lack objectivity.
Despite its advantages, the rise of digital media introduces new challenges. The mainstreaming of activist media today has directly influenced mainstream media in their tactics and styles (Ihlebæk, K. A. et al. , 2022). Activist images are de and recontextualised and appropriated by hegemonic actors (such as the police), diluting and rendering meaningless their original messaging. Henrietta Lidchi (1999) observes how repeated sharing online can obscure an image's source and meaning, which I argue we see here in the appropriation and resharing of activist media. Mainstream or state media can often even mimic the aesthetics of activist media, taking their tactics and transforming them into tools of propaganda (Kenix, 2011). When activist and state media are harder to define, activist media loses some of its power in originality, as my case studies will later evidence.
Nonetheless, some activists are successfully navigating these tensions. Filmmaker Michael Moore, for instance, combines traditional activist tactics like satire and confrontational media with more mainstream entertainment formats to reach broader audiences without compromising his political messaging. His documentary Bowling for Columbine exemplifies this mixture of accessible advocacy. This demonstrates how activists can adapt to shifting media dynamics and find ways to benefit from the popularisation of activist media.
Video Activism
In analysing activist media in the digital age, I have chosen to focus on video activism, as it is a widely utilised format by activists globally to counter state surveillance. Video as a form also arguably has the most emotional impact on its viewers; the quote “No text can ever affect people in the way that certain images do” speaks to the visceral impact of this visual witnessing (Chanan, 2012). As Chouliaraki’s “Politics of Pity” theory argues, (2010), images of “the other” suffering can shock audiences and evoke emotions routed in pity and guilt that prompt action. I’d argue this is more prevalent in mainstream news or NGO media, whose visual imagery often replicates a colonial gaze - depicting subjects as disempowered victims in need of white saviours. Activist media tends to frame their media from a positionality of lived experience that centres marginalised voices (Waltz, 2005). This is the theory of Indigenous self-representation at work, where Indigenous groups use self-representation as a tool to counter mainstream, colonial narratives, and is a clear tenet of activist media (Terence Turner, Schwittay) (Amanda, 2014).
This could however be critiqued by analysing one popular form of activist video, “the witness video”. It is characterised as “documenting unjust conditions or political wrongdoing/doers” and made more accessible by mobile phone cameras (Askanius, T. 2013). Rooted in counter-surveillance, it highlights Foucault's Panoptican theory (1995), based on the prison design that shows the maintaining of state power through constant surveillance. If we flip Foucault’s theory, as theorists such as Mathiesen (2013) have, we see the many watching the few as a counter to such surveillance, coined the “Synopticon”. The witness video has successfully mobilised international support for causes such as Black Lives Matter and effectively returned the gaze of the state to themselves tenfold, arguably changing and reforming the ways police behave (Canella, 2018). However, the results in its re-traumatisation of audiences who have experienced such state violence cannot be ignored. Nor can the desensitisation of audiences due to the oversaturation of such videos in online spaces (Chouliaraki, 2010). So while activist media fosters Indigenous self-representation and successfully evokes audience responses, the responses of spectator fatigue or traumatisation see audiences unlikely to take action as a result. In the next section, I will delve into key theories showcasing the relationship between activists and the state. This theoretical understanding, coupled with the analysis of activist media from multiple angles, will then be evidenced in my analysis of two case studies.
State vs Activist Media - a hegemonic and counter-hegemonic relationship
Now, with an understanding of activist media in good context, we can evolve our argument to bring the state into this analysis before analysing their media strategies. I will use Gramsci's theory of hegemony and counter-hegemony to analyse this activist and state relationship. Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony posits that society’s dominant groups maintain control by shaping and controlling society’s belief system. They do so to position their worldview as the norm (Gramsci, 1971). In this context, I analyse police media as a hegemonic tool that reinforces narratives of the police as trustworthy community heroes, and activist media as the counter to such hegemony. Take the UK Metropolitan Police’s social media post titled “Police Bravery” which uses bodycam footage of police “catching baddies” to uphold positive policing imagery. They are using their traditional surveillance techniques (often appropriated by activists to expose police brutality) to reconstruct themselves as trustworthy and brave. This highlights two of my theories of police media responses I would like to introduce. First; countering;. In this post, the police can be analysed as countering the activist narrative of police brutality through witness videos by using their own visuals that witness good behaviour. Secondly, cooptation; by identifying the tactic of counter-surveillance in activist media, they can appropriate it with bodycam footage to devalue its effectiveness and reconstruct a positive image. The similarities of activist and state media render them harder to distinguish and therefore disempower activist media.
Now, I would like to introduce Stuart Halls' Encoding/Decoding model (1991 [1973]) to evolve our understanding of this relationship and how activist and state media are received by each other. Hall’s theory explains how media messages are created, encoded with meaning by their creators and then decoded differently by the audience, depending on their cultural positionality. Hall distinguishes 3 positions for decoding media messages;
dominant-hegemonic (where the audience fully accepts the intended meaning),
negotiated (where the audience accepts parts but adapts the meaning), and
oppositional (where the audience rejects the intended meaning and offers alternative interpretations).
Hall’s theory is useful in analysing how police media encode their media with narratives of legitimacy and control to foster public trust and maintain hegemony (Mawby, 1999). Activists clearly adopt the oppositional position, interpreting these messages in alternate ways but also creating media to actively oppose this messaging. This could be analysed as a back-and-forth encoding and decoding between activists and state to counter one other's messaging. This dynamic can be linked to surveillance theories, particularly the historic surveillance of activist organisations by police. However, rather than physical intelligence gathering, the police seem to be surveilling activist media to mimic its styles to remain ahead of activists' tactics. I theorise this is a type of “media infiltration” we will see in practice in the case studies.
The combined theories of Gramsci and Hall offer a nuanced understanding of the tension between state and activist media, highlighting how each side continuously influences and contests the other’s media narratives. I will now evidence this with my case studies below.
Case Study - @BLMUK
Context
The first case study I examine is an Instagram reel posted by BLMUK (Black Lives Matter UK) on the 26th of August 2024. BLMUK describe themselves here; “Black Lives Matter UK is a national, member-led, anti-racist organisation fighting to end systemic racism”. With 117,000 followers and 777 posts, I argue they are one of the most visible anti-racist UK activist accounts. This makes it significant for analysis due to their visibility, combined with their innovative approaches to counter-surveillance and their take on the witness video. I also find it eerily similar to the second case study by the Metropolitan Police, evidencing my theory of media cooptation by the state. I will use visual and critical discourse analysis to examine the media framing of marginalised voices and the police. Some semiotic analysis will be used to decode the use of grassroots symbols, and Choulariaki's theories on humanitarian art and communication will heavily evidence my line of thinking. To fully engage with the case study, please watch via this link;
Stills from the @BLMUK Case Study video
Description
The video is likely shot with either a high-quality mobile phone or pocket go-pro, set at Nottinghill Carnival (an annual London-Caribbean carnival). A Black presenter addresses the camera with a clip-on mic attached to a wooden spoon. Two police officers stand disengaged in the background. The presenter begins - “We’re here today at Nottinghill Carnival to ask one simple question; do they (the public) trust the police?”. The camera then zooms in on the police, whose unimpressed expressions are freeze-framed with a canon sound effect. The text “Do you trust me?” appears next to an officer's face in a meme-like fashion. The video moves on to short-form interviews with the public, who share testimonies against the police. The general narrative is one of negative experiences, mistrust, racial tension and targeting.
Analysing form and social media compatibility
The use of low-budget equipment and low-budget, grassroots aesthetics like the mic on a spoon evidences the organisation's casual and relatable approach to video making. As explored, the low-budget affordance of video is a key benefit of (activist) media, clearly utilised here (Concepción & Gaona, 2015). The reel is short at 89 seconds and maintains a quick pace that positions it for success on Instagram due to its nature of rapidity (Rosa, 2013). The video’s multi-modal format—combining interviews, testimony, meme culture, humour, and counter-surveillance—exemplifies Treré’s (2019) concept of "hybrid media activism." This approach ensures the video is both engaging and effective in challenging dominant narratives. The form itself feels grassroots and honest. Despite potential critiques of the credibility of this form, I argue it positions the video as genuine and unfiltered.
Indigenous self-representation and counter-surveillance
The visual framing of a Black presenter in front of white police officers reads as a reclaiming of narrative authority. This is Ingenious self-representation in action, redistributing narrative power and subverting traditional power dynamics. The presenter’s bold positioning and the close-up shots of the police create a confrontational tone, flipping the traditional dynamics of surveillance, and reminding the police of this “returning gaze”. Here we can recite Mathiesen's “Synopticon” theory in practice, which sees the many watching the few. This, combined with the humorous freeze-frame further diminishes the police authority as it quickly transforms them into subjects of humour instead of authority. As Chouliaraki (2006, 2013) notes, humour in humanitarian media is a powerful tool to creatively engage audiences as we see here.
Public Testimony and Emotional Weight; A New Witnessing
The video uses public testimonies that recount police bias and racism as core content. I argue this can be analysed as the witness video format. We are witnessing secondhand “evidence” of negative police behaviour. It is unique as it carries emotional weight while avoiding distressing imagery. Resiting Chouliaraki’s work (2006, 2013), her research showcased how empathy-driven storytelling can be utilised over shocking imagery to avoid audience compassion fatigue. BLMUK’s video exemplifies this, avoiding colonial techniques of trauma-porn, while still centering testimonies of trauma.
However, this choice invites critique. Without direct visual proof, the video may lose credibility with sceptical audiences. Redrawing Hall’s (1980) encoding/decoding theory, some viewers may adopt a negotiated or oppositional reading, questioning the validity of the testimonies. Comments on the post such as “I trust the police more than Black Lives Matter,” highlight the risk of disbelief in the absence of visual evidence.
Conclusion
The @BLMUK video exemplifies a multi-model, low-budget approach to activist media. Their use of Indigenous self-representation, tactics of counter-surveillance and use of humour successfully reframes the police and delegitimises their authority. By reworking the witness video genre, they choose not to use traumatic imagery, instead seeking to engage audiences through vocal testimony and avoid compassion fatigue. However, its lack of direct visual evidence leaves it vulnerable to oppositional readings, showcasing the challenges of balancing emotional impact with credibility in activist media.
Case Study 2
Context
The second case study focuses on an Instagram reel posted by Metropolitan Police UK (the police force of Greater London) during Nottinghill Carnival on August 25th 2024. The similarities between this and the @BLMUK video provide an effective basis for comparison and appropriately illustrate my theorisations of activist and state (media) relationship. While the @BLMUK video represents a counter-hegemonic activist approach, the Metropolitan Police post showcases the state’s attempt to maintain hegemonic control in response. The context of this media is important; the Metropolitan Police have historically documented problems of institutional racism and misconduct (Casey review, 2023). This history, combined with activist pressure has resulted in the police's need to regain public trust through media strategies and propaganda (O’Connor et al, 2021). I will use the same methodologies cited for the first case study, and ground my analysis in my previous theorisations of “cooptation” and “countering” in state media. To fully engage with the case study, please watch via this link;
Stills from the Metropolitan Police Case Study video
Description
The video starts with two police officers watching and engaging with the parade and the public. Carnival music has been edited in to accompany these visuals. A Black police commander, Chairman Brenyah then addresses the camera, contextualising Carnival’s roots in Caribbean culture before explaining the police’s role there. She declares that the police have over 7000 officers on duty to “deliver a safe and secure carnival”, “to engage” and prevent “criminality”. The video concludes by returning to positive imagery of police with Black attendees and everyone having fun before the screen fades to black and finishes with the Metropolitan Police’s logo.
Production and Presentation
The production quality of the video, from high-quality visuals, mastering of sound and use of special effects/transitions and text highlights the police’s greater resources. Compared to @BLMUK’s more humble, grassroots aesthetics, this video feels carefully manufactured. I argue this polished aesthetic feels staged and shows the police’s need to control their public image and narrative. The use of background Carnival music adds a cheerful quality but also reads as appropriation. The decontextualisation of a historically Black music genre recontextualised for a police video highlights their strategies of cooptation. While the music choice is contextually appropriate for the event being filmed, its use to serve the police’s goals of “strategic diversity” makes it feel disingenuous (Ahmed, 2012).
Surveillance and “soft power”
The opening shot subtly showcases the police surveillance of carnival, an instant reminder of their control. However, this is strategically softened with the imagery of the police’s positive public engagement. This highlights an evolution of Focaults “Panoptican”, where police power is maintained through visibility and surveillance, but is masked and de-escalated with this facade of friendliness and “soft power” (Nye, 1990). The carefully chosen visuals create a powerful narrative of trust and public ease that effectively counters the narratives of mistrust shared in the @BLMUK video. The visuals are a powerful choice as can be immediately seen and perhaps believed compared to the BLMUK’s vocal testimony. This reflects the second strategy of the state earlier theorised - a countering of activist media through tactics such as cooptation, controlled imagery and strategic diversity.
A manufactured public sphere
The continued use of visuals of predominantly Black people positively interacting with the police highlights the police’s ability to dominate the public sphere, as theorised by Habermas. They have created a video filled exclusively with their own visuals and voice, silencing alternative perspectives. This choice is carefully masked by the use of a Black police offer, manufacturing the illusion of alternative perspectives. The celebratory music and interactions hide the reality of the power dynamics here and leave out testimonies of mistrust that are central to the @BLUMUK video. This control of the public (sphere) results in the police reframing Carnival, a historical event of Black joy and resistance into a platform for their own hegemonic narrative and control.
Strategic Diversity
I interpret the inclusion of Chairman Brenyah, a Black female officer, as a deliberate strategy to aid the police’s mission of appearing diverse. The centring of marginalised voices is a key tenet of activist media (Waltz, 2005), as we see with the Indigenous self-representation of the @BLMUK’s video. Here, the police mimic such authentic representation, transforming Indigenous self-representation into police propaganda. This represents the police’s calculated use of diversity initiatives seen in many facets of their organisation, aligning with Ahmed’s (2012) critique of institutional diversity initiatives as performative rather than transformative.
Branding and narrative construction
The video's conclusion with the Metropolitan Police logo and slogan “More trust. Less crime. Higher standards” evidence their goals of increasing public trust. They are using the celebratory and joyful nature of carnival to aid their branding and image. I argue that this video can therefore be analysed as not solely a social media post, but an infiltrated advert for the police. The video's true purpose—to promote the police's “brand” rather than support the community—is obscured by its casual social media format. I argue that police advertisements and promotions will increasingly adopt the styles of activist and alternative media, blurring the line to the extent that the public may not even recognize them as advertisements.
Conclusion
This case study illustrates how state media employs the two main strategies I’ve theorised - cooptation and countering, to maintain hegemonic control. The strategically polished representations of police interwoven in Black culture imagery counteract the narratives of mistrust and institutional racism presented in the @BLMUK video. The interplay between these two videos showcases the hegemonic/counter-hegemonic media relationship between activists and the state. Each side seems to adapt its tactics in response to the other, continuously encoding and decoding each other's messaging to aid their own.
Concluding thoughts
This essay has analysed activist media and how it serves as a powerful tool to counter state messaging. Using Gramsci's theory of hegemony and counter-hegemony, I analysed the evolving relationship between activist and state. Stuart Hall’s encoding/decoding model has also been central, illustrating how activists and state encode their media based on the decoding of the other's messaging. This has resulted in a tense push-pull dynamic, where we see the state's key responses to activist media; coopting and countering at play. Video activism, in particular, appropriates the state's Panoptican gaze and repurposes it to empower the many watching the few. The BLMUK Case Study shows this in action; centring marginalised voices through humour, testimony and the strategic framing of the police. The Metropolitan Police study evidences the theory of state cooptation and countering strategies, highlighting how police adopt activist media tactics, making it challenging to decode their goals of rebranding and strategic diversity.
I argue that activist media's strength lies in its adaptability to resist state messaging despite the challenges of it being coopted or countered. I predict we will further see activist media utilising creative counter-surveillance techniques not solely relying on traumatic imagery. I also witness how police equally evolve their media strategies, and predict that their media will become harder to decode as advertising as it continues to coopt activist media styles. I hope this essay can add to the existing research of activist and state media while going further in its originality of identifying key state responses and the future tactics to look out for and overcome.
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